Modern Britain is a country made up of many people groups. Built by a variety of Celtic, Anglo and Saxon national cultures, it is now host to a multitude more from all corners of the earth. Truly, we live in a diverse society.

Granted that this is the social reality of our country today, an important question arises. When it comes to building a healthy, flourishing civic society, is it necessary to be a good patriot in order to be a good citizen?

Common sense seems to suggest that if everyone were encouraged to swap their different national affiliations for one shared patriotic allegiance, then a healthy civic society would follow as a matter of course. The new Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, has sometimes made this point, emphasising the importance of having an "essential" or "overarching" sense of British identity, which he sees as uniting the various cultures living in modern Britain.

Just as in wartime a sense of common patriotic purpose inspired people to do what is necessary, so in peace time a strong modern sense of patriotism and patriotic purpose which binds people together can motivate and inspire. (Gordon Brown, 14 January 2006)

The Prime Minister often appeals to America and American patriotic symbols as positive examples of the sort of attitude he would like to see in the UK.

Think for a moment: What is the British equivalent of the US 4th of July…? What I mean is: what is our equivalent for a national celebration of who we are and what we stand for? And what is our equivalent of the national symbolism of a flag in every garden? (Gordon Brown, 14 January 2006)

But such sentiments beg an important question. Is it right that an appeal to a common patriotism will solve the problems caused by different cultures sharing the same society? The example of America is instructive in answering this.

Americans are arguably the most patriotic people in the modern world. Any foreign visitor to the United States is struck by the sentiments of pride in their country displayed by ordinary Americans, expressed in conversation, on posters, decals or clothing, and in daily routines like the Pledge of Allegiance (usually in schools), or periods of patriotic fervour during national holidays.

Red, white and blue motifs introduce television newscasts. Local code enforcers routinely ignore laws limiting roadside displays when it comes to patriotic expression. In 2001, a special commission in Florida even amended its ordinance, considering that displays of American flags were covered under the “post-attack national emergency order”. If it is indeed the case that patriotism is a prime motor for a healthy civil society, then it seems appropriate to look for some indication of this in the American experience.

How well does US patriotism translate into US civic participation and a commitment to the common good? There are a variety of ways to answer this question but a few statistics should give some indication of the answer. In 2000, and again in 2004, after elections touted as the most important of their generation, only half of the adult population voted. Similarly, the 2002 Congressional elections saw about a 40% turnout, even though control of the House and Senate hung in the balance.

Income inequality in America is endemic. The gap between the top 10% and the bottom 10% of earners is so large that those 10% at the bottom are considerably poorer than the bottom 10% in most other industrialised countries. Less than one in three Americans agrees with the notion that civic society has a responsibility for income inequality or guarantee of income for the poorest.  

A positive feature of American life has historically been the vibrancy of its community life, the wealth of what nineteenth century French historian and political thinker Alexis de Tocqueville called its associations and its generosity of spirit. Americans were an “outward” nation of joiners and club-builders, constructing, in the process, an immense reservoir of social capital and civic trust. Yet, as Robert Putnam noted in his groundbreaking study Bowling Alone, those reservoirs of social capital are running dangerously dry. Concern for community has been replaced, over the past few decades, with a marked growth in American introversion. Collective acts, from sports' attendance to theatre, have declined. Participation in marches and civil demonstrations is nowhere near what it was in the 1960s.

No industrialised country is exactly free from these problems but their existance in the US is particularly noteworthy. If the relationship between patriotism and citizenship were a true one, we would expect to see America’s civic society in rather better health. The evidence suggests that too many of these same patriots who genuinely love their country are, as citizens, disengaged, unaware or uninterested in contributing to the mechanics of their own civil society. As an indication whether a patriotic ethos automatically translates into a citizenship ethos, the American experience is not promising for the UK.

Gordon Brown has stated that “more so than in any other century, the 21st century world will be characterised by people of different nationalities living closer to each other and having to find ways to live together.” He is absolutely right. There are many nations living within these united kingdoms of Britain, and the situation invariably brings with it a set of challenges. The question that our society faces is whether the solution to those problems does in fact lie in a re-invigorated emphasis on patriotism or a renewed appreciation for the realities and responsibilities that come with our diverse neighbourhoods.

We need to recognise the fact that individuals have a common stake in their shared, multifaceted society, without demanding that they first affiliate heart and soul with a particular facet of that society. Increased patriotic rhetoric alone is not the solution to the ghettoisation of Britain, nor is it the catalyst for civic participation. We need to go beyond patriotism. Only then will Britain begin to enjoy a healthy, flourishing civic life.

Stephen Backhouse is a researcher based in Oxford and author of the latest Theos report, Red, White, Blue... and Brown, Citizens, Patriots and the Prime Minister.